Sunday, November 28, 2021

Burmo-Gyalrongic innovations in Nungish

In a previous post, I quoted Sagart et al. (2019:26), who presented potential lexical innovations shared by Lolo-Burmese and Gyalrongic. I will quote their list below, with additions from Nungish in italics. All bolding is mine. Unless otherwise stated, Rawang forms come from the Rawang Dictionary.

Sagart et al. say:

The hypothesis of a genetic relationship between Lolo-Burmese and Gyalrongic languages has been previously discussed by several scholars, including Bradley (1997), Jacques and Michaud (2011), and Lǐ (1998). The Burmo-Gyalrongic hypothesis is strongly supported by our analysis. Potential Burmo-Gyalrongic innovations in our database are the following:

1. Japhug ɕɤɣ “new” – Old Burmese sac ‘new’ (Jacques (2004: 190)). This etymon has cognates elsewhere in Sino-Tibetan, but in other branches the coda is nasal (for instance Chinese 新 sin < *siŋ)

Based on Jacques (2004:260, 266, 330), the Japhug word kɯ-ɕɤɣ 'new' corresponds to the Somang/Cogtse Gyalrongic word kə-ɕə́k 'new', and the Proto-Gyalrongic form (minus the pre-syllable) should be something like *ɕ{ɐ/ɔ/ə}k. This k final does fit with the Old Burmese -c. On the other hand, Nungish has a final rhotic, as seen in Rawang ʃə́r 'new' and Central T'rùng sər⁵⁵ 'be new' (T'rùng Dictionary). The rhotic fits better with Tibetan གསར་ gsar 'new' and Burmese θa < sa < *sar 'titivate' (Hill 2019:71). I will have to take Nungish out of the running for this one.

2. Japhug ɣɯrni “red” – Old Burmese nī ‘red’ (Jacques (ibid.: 172))

3. Japhug zdɯm “cloud” – Old Burmese tim “cloud” (Jacques (ibid.: 185))

4. Japhug ɯ-ʁɤri “the front side” – Old Burmese rheʔ ‘the front side’ (Jacques (ibid.: 104)).

5. Japhug tɯ-rtsʰɤz “lung” – Old Burmese ʔachut ‘lung’ (Jacques (ibid.: 150)).

Rawang rəʃɯ́ 'lung'; Central T'rùng rə³¹sɯ⁵⁵ (T'rùng Dictionary). The Nungish r initial fits the Japhug r, and the Nungish ɯ vowel fits Japhug ɤ and Old Burmese u, but the final z or t does not appear in Rawang, unless we say that it became a high tone. Also, the tsʰ / ch cluster does not correspond terribly well with Nungish ʃ / s. It is possible that Japhug and Burmese added a dental suffix after splitting off from Nungish, so I will take Nungish out of the running for this word.

6. Japhug tɯ-mɯ “rain, sky, weather” – Rangoon mo⁵⁵ ‘rain, sky’(Jacques (ibid.: 154))

Rawang mu͏ʔ 'sky, rain, name of a spirit-deity', dəmɯ̀ 'god' (Mətwàng); gəmɯ̀ 'god', gəmɯ́ 'heaven' (Jerwàng and other northern dialects). Since I have not read up thoroughly on Japhug morphology, I don't know whether to ignore the tɯ- pre-syllable or not. As Hill (2017) points out, not only Rawang but also Old Tibetan dmu 'a type of sky god' corresponds well to the Japhug form.

7. Daofu sme “woman” – Old Burmese minḥ-ma ‘woman’

The Daofu form would be better matched with Burmese သမီ θəmí < sa-mīḥ 'daughter' (spelling from Hill 2019:59). Rawang has a similar word, zəmì 'girl, bride', which is also used as part of some women's names, but it might be a Burmese loanword.

From the Rawang Dictionary:

zəmì rɯt lə́m ʃaʔrépèla búŋe. "The elders went to ask/propose a bride."

zəmì-ʃə́r 'bride' (dictionary entry erroneously reads 'groom') (lit. girl+new)

zəmì-sè (girl-son/diminutive) 'baby girl'

zəmì-sè-rì (girl-son-PL) 'family you give your daughter to (brothers and uncles from the woman's side)' [here son-PL means 'people'] 

Interestingly, there is also a Rawang word with the syllables switched: məzè 'girl, woman (a formative in noun compounds)', e.g. ŋà-ní məzè (1SG-DL girl) 'we two women'.

From the Rawang Dictionary:

àŋ-ní məzè tuʔ-daʔ-ì. 

3SG-DL girl arrive-DOWN/TOWARD-3INTR.PST

"The two girls have arrived."

As I mentioned above, I believe that zəmì comes from Burmese *sa-mīḥ 'daughter' (son-female), the equivalent of Rawang sè-mè < Proto-Nungish *tsə̀{l/j}-mə̀j (son-female) 'daughter', and məzè probably comes from either the two Burmese syllables in reverse or from the Rawang phrase mè-sè  < *mə̀j-tsə̀{l/j} (female-son/diminutive) 'little girl'.   

Note that the cognacy between Rawang zəmì and Burmese sa-mi was long ago noted by Benedict (2008[1941]:165), based on the Waʔdə́mkong form zami 'daughter' (Barnard 1934:74). He also cites the Linguistic Survey of India (Grierson 1928:24, 156), which provides the form sɑ̀mi 'daughter', also collected by Barnard: with the s initial, this one is even closer to the Burmese spelling.

As evidence that syllable reduction in Rawang dialects is possible, compare the following words from Melam (a northern Anu variety) collected at Tsekou (Cigu) on the upper Mekong River (d'Orleans 1898:439-446), with the latter two transcribed by Father Dubernard:

poumakielra [puma-cəl-ra] (woman-son/child-group) 'daughter'

poumatienza [puma-cən-za] (woman-son/child-group) 'daughter'

lankiera [laŋ-ce-ra] (man-son/child-group) 'son'

Now compare them with modern spoken Mətwàng:

səmaré ~ səmasəré (səma 'woman', -sə- 'child?', -ré 'group, class') 'woman'

ləŋàré ~ ləŋàsəré (ləŋà 'man', -sə- 'child?', -ré 'group, class') 'man'

I heard the two forms with the infixed -sə- from Ráwàng Gønzì in Yangon, and when I asked about them to see whether they came from the word sè 'son, child', she said no, that's just they way they say it sometimes. I still suspect that -sə- is derived from 'son', but that it is now fossilized, whereas it was still recognizable in 1895-1896 in the case of Melam. This still doesn't mean that zəmì is not a Burmese loanword, but it does show how the process of fossilization works -- and even today, you can add -sè 'son/child/diminutive' to the end of səmasəré 'woman' or ləŋàsəré 'man'. And the cycle goes on!

8. Daofu kvo, Wobzi Khroskyabs djú “year” – Lisu kho̱³¹ “year” (Jacques (2014: 101)).

9. Japhug nɯqambɯmbjom, Wobzi Khroskyabs jmbjə̂m “to fly” – Old Burmese pjaṃ ‘to fly’. This root is related to Tibetan ’byam “spread” and Chinese 泛 phjomH “float”, with unidirectional semantic change “float” → “fly”. The Japhug verb form has reduplication and additional prefixes, but related language have the simple verb root.

[10.] Jacques (ibid.: 305-306) lists a additional few phonetic and lexical innovations, notably the verb ‘to be’, ŋu in Japhug, ŋǽ in Wobzi Khroskyabs, corresponding to Proto-Burmese *ŋwa¹ ‘to be the case’ (Bradley 1979 0698a). Jacques (2014: 305-306) suggests that the copular use of this verb is derived from an earlier meaning, namely ‘to be true’. 

Rawang has the form ˀɯ̀ŋ 'yes', which can be used to acknowledge an interlocutor's statement, respond affirmatively to a question, or to place emphasis after one's own statement. This is a widespread iconic ideophone, as the Mandarin Chinese spoken in Jinmen, Taiwan (and no doubt elsewhere) has a similar form: ˀɯ̀ŋ/ˀm̀/ˀǹ, used in affirmation after someone has asked you a question. English has it too, for that matter, in our grunt "mm-hmm".

On another note, compare Jinghpaw ŋà 'be, exist' and ŋa 'say, speak, declare' -- these two forms correspond to the Burmo-Gyalrongic forms, and they also correspond in semantic range (but not in phonetic form) to the Rawang forms əl ~ e 'exist in a place; say, tell; call/name someone'. This semantic range shared by the Jinghpaw and Rawang terms, as well as the semantic extension pathway 'be true' > 'be the case' > 'be' suggested for Burmo-Gyalrongic, appears to be an areal feature.

Summary

Out of ten etyma proposed by Sagart et al. and Jacques as Burmo-Gyalrongic innovations, one appears in Nungish with close correspondence ('sky'); two appear with distant correspondence ('new' and 'lung'); one appears as a possible Burmese loanword ('woman'), and one has ideophonic similarity and a possible semantic areal feature ('be').

I don't know whether that casts doubt on the uniqueness of the innovations or if it pulls Nungish in closer to the tenuous Burmo-Gyalrongic orbit. As with many things in comparative-historical linguistics, evidence of genetic closeness is a matter of degrees, in counting how many isoglosses are shared and how closely they correspond. The next step would be to figure out some regular sound correspondences for Lolo-Burmese, Gyalrongic, and Nungish. Considering the messiness of the data already presented, that step will take a lot more work.

It is a credit to Jacques, Sagart et al., and Hill, that, each in their own way, they have moved the conversation forward this far in our search for evidence of historical relatedness.

References

Barnard, Joseph Terence Owen. 1934. A handbook of the Răwang dialect of the Nung language. Rangoon: Superintendent of Gov’t. Printing and Stationery.

Benedict, Paul King. 2008[1941]. Kinship in Southeastern Asia (STEDT Monograph 6). Berkeley, CA: University of California. http://stedt.berkeley.edu/pubs_and_prods/STEDT_Monograph6_PKB_1941.pdf (12 September, 2016).

Bradley, David 1979. Proto-Loloish. London: Curzon Press.

Bradley, David. 1997. Tibeto-Burman languages and classification. In David Bradley (ed.), Papers in Southeast Asian Linguistics. Vol. 14, 1–72. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.

Coblin, W. South. 1987. A note on Old Tibetan mu. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 10.1, 166–168.

Grierson, George Abraham (ed.). 1928. Linguistic survey of India. Vol. 1 (Part 2): Comparative vocabulary of Indian languages. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent, Government Printing, India. http://dsal.uchicago.edu/books/lsi/ (15 August, 2015).

Hill, Nathan W. 2017. Songs of the Bailang: A new transcription with etymological commentary. Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient 103. 386–430.

Hill, Nathan W. 2019. The historical phonology of Tibetan, Burmese, and Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Jacques, Guillaume. 2004. Phonologie et morphologie du japhug (Rgyalrong). PhD thesis. Université Paris VII - Denis Diderot.

Jacques, Guillaume. 2014. Esquisse de phonologie et de morphologie historique du tangoute. Leiden: Brill, 373.

Jacques, Guillaume & Alexis Michaud. 2011. Approaching the historical phonology of three highly eroded Sino-Tibetan languages: Naxi, Na and Laze. Diachronica 28(4). 468–498.

Lǐ, Yǒngsuì. 1998. Qiāngmiǎn yǔqún chúyì. Mízúyǔwén 1, 1628.

Orléans, Henri Philippe Marie, prince d’. 1898. From Tonkin to India by the sources of the Irawadi, January ’95-January ’96. London: Methuen. http://seasiavisions.library.cornell.edu/catalog/sea:054 (17 July, 2015).

Sagart, Laurent, Guillaume Jacques, Yunfan Lai, Robin J. Ryder, Valentin Thouzeau, Simon J. Greenhill & Johann-Mattis List. 2019. Supplementary information for the paper “Dated language phylogenies shed light on the ancestry of Sino-Tibetan.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116(21). 10317–10322. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1817972116.

Language Resources

Kachin Dictionary:
(multilingual dictionary app and webpage with Jinghpaw, including tones, and other languages of Kachin State)

Rawang Dictionary:
LaPolla, Randy J. & David Sangdong. 2015. Rawang-English-Burmese dictionary (A Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Myanmar). Privately published for limited circulation. http://rawang.webonary.org/ (23 December, 2015).

T'rung Dictionary:
Trung Dictionary Committee, Li Aixin 李爱新, Li Jinming 李金明, Yang Jiangling 杨将领 & Ross Perlin. 2015. Concise Trung-English-Chinese dictionary / Tvrung kvt cv’tyeng / 简明独龙语英语汉语词典 Jianming Dulongyu Yingyu Hanyu cidian. Draft. Trung Dictionary Committee. http://trung.webonary.org (18 June, 2016).

A dialogue on the Rawang reflexive marker

The following dialogue illustrates some of the admirative, auto-benefactive, and isolative connotations of the Rawang reflexive and middle voice suffix -shì. The conversation took place over Viber on 15-16 Jan 2021, between Nathan Straub of Vancouver, Washington, USA and Ráwàng Kurzi of Upper Shanggong Village, Putao District, Kachin State, Myanmar. 

Each line is given in the vernacular as originally texted, followed by an English translation in parentheses, with phonemic transcription and morpheme glossing on the lines below. Please note that I have supplied tones in the morphological analysis to the best of my ability, but have not checked them with a native speaker.


NS = Nathan Straub

KZ = Ráwàng Kurzi


KZ: [video of Donny & Marie Osmond's song "A little bit country, a little bit rock 'n' roll"]



NS: Gvzà byoe 
gəzà bjo-e
very be.enjoyable-NPST
"Very enjoyable!"

KZ: [photo of rice in sifting tray]

NS: Vmcit ima?
əmtsit í má
rice.uncooked be YNQ
"Is that uncooked rice?"

KZ: IE byoe. Alanginx mvkun anglíri tangshxng nø vbx yvlvm mele 
í-e
be-NPST 

bjo-e
be.enjoyable-NPST

a-lang-i-nɯ məkun àŋ-lí-rì ta-ŋ-ʃɯ̀-ŋ nɯ əbɯ jəl-əm-e-le
this-moment-INST-TOP song NMLZ-old-PL listen-1SG-REFL-1SG TOP rice sift-for.eating-NPST-EXCL
"Yes, it's enjoyable. Right now I'm listening to old songs (by myself) and sifting rice for eating!"

KZ: IE vmcit 
í-e əmtsit
be-NPST rice.uncooked
"Yes, it's uncooked rice." 

NS: Shvlae lo 
ʃəla-e lo
be.good-NPST FRIENDLY
"Oh, good."

NS: Why do you say tangshxng, not tangoe or tange? 
why do you say ta-ŋ-ʃɯ̀-ŋ, not tá-ŋ-ò-e or ta-ŋ-e?
why do you say listen-1SG-REFL-1SG not listen-1SG-3OBJ-NPST or listen-1SG-NPST
"Why do you say tangshxng (listen by/for myself), not tangoe (listen to something) or tange (listen)?"

KZ: Vsvng maba vdewawa enjoying eating or listening rvgaq langoe 
əsə̀ŋ mə-əbá ədè-wa-wa 
person NEG-be.present oneself-only-only 

enjoying eating or listening LOCATION use-3OBJ-NPST
enjoying eating or listening rəgaʔ laŋ-ò-e
"People use it where there are no other people there and you're just enjoying eating or listening."

KZ: Angwawa vmshidari 
àŋ-wa-wa əm-ʃì-dár-ì
3SG-only-only eat-REFL-PST.HRS.AGO-3.PST
"He/she ate it alone by him/herself."

KZ: Gvza nxntmvshxmsori shxne 
gəzà nɯt mə-ʃɯ̀m sori ʃɯ̀n-e
very mind NEG-be.satisfied while say-NPST
"It is said when a person is very discontent."

KZ: Vmshxng dxra 
əm-ʃɯ̀-ŋ-dɯ́r-à
eat-REFL-1SG-PST.HRS.AGO-1SG.PST
"I ate by myself"

KZ: Vdedvpvt wairvgaq langie 
ədè dəpət wa-ì rəgaʔ laŋ-ì-e
oneself for do-1PL LOCATION use-1PL-NPST
"We use it when we're doing something for ourself."

KZ: Along lvngshxnge le 
a-lòŋ ləŋ-ʃɯ̀-ŋ-e le
this-CL use/take-REFL-1SG-NPST EXCL
"I'm taking/using this one (for myself)!"

KZ: Nawawa nx kapa etashie lo 
nà-wa-wa nɯ ka-pà è-tá-ʃì-e lo
2SG-only-only TOP what-thing N1-listen-REFL-NPST FRIENDLY
"Hey, what are you listening to all alone?"

KZ: Wakeni me sori shxn we ie
wa-kèní me sori ʃɯ̀n we í-e
say-from envy/admire while say NMLZ be-NPST
"These things are said when a person is envious/admiring."

KZ: Positive ku ie
positive ku í-e
positive way be-NPST
"It's a positive thing (sense or manner of speaking)."

KZ: Ok.. Ari dvdvng shirae le… 
OK.. a-rì də-dəŋ-ʃì rà-e le
OK this-PL CAUS-finish-REFL need-NPST EXCL
"OK… I should stop with these."

NS: :D

KZ: Nawawa pa evm shie 
nà-wa-wa pà è-əm-ʃì-e
2SG-only-only what N1-eat-REFL-NPST
"What are you eating all by yourself?"

NS: Me sori shxn we nx jealous ku I ma? 
me sori ʃɯ̀n we nɯ jealous ku í má
envy/admire while say NMLZ TOP jealous way be YNQ
"When you say "When envious/admiring", is it a jealous thing (sense or manner of speaking)?"

KZ: Jealous nø shøm me waka ie. ME e waka nø Vm lvm dang taq lango keni lvjøm tiq pvn (Cvmre ri muk Muk vm we tiqgø ce nø mazí shvmè oe Negative) dvgá dang lango keni admire ku lvjøm lun shie . Kurvp ceri paqzi gvza vhánga lunga. Mē rae I! 

jealous nɯ ʃɯ̀m-e wa-kà í-e
jealous TOP satisfy?-NPST say-speech be-NPST

me-e wa-kà nɯ əm lə́m daŋ taʔ laŋ-ò kèní ləjɯm tiʔ pə̀n
envy/admire-NPST say-speech TOP eat PUR about on use-3OBJ from meaning one kind

tsə̀mré rì muk-muk əm we tiʔ-gɯ́ tsè nɯ mə-ə-zí ʃə-mè-ò-e ...
child PL bread-bread eat NMLZ.but one-CL.person child TOP NEG-INTR/NMLZ-give CAUS-envy-3OBJ-NPST

dəgá daŋ laŋ-ò kèní ... ku ləjɯm lún-ʃì-e
other matter use-3OBJ from ... way get-REFL-NPST

ku-rəp tsè-rì paʔzí gəzà ə-háŋ-à-lúŋ-à
that-family child-PL knowledge very INTR-raise.high-3PST-UPWARD/CHANGE-3PST

mē-ra-e í
admire TOWARD/EVID.FEEL-NPST RHETORICAL.Q.YES

"Jealous is the word shø̀me. The word me on the other hand is used for one meaning when someone's going to eat. [For example,] "The kids are eating bread, but one kid wasn't given any, and it made him jealous." That's a negative connotation. Another possible meaning of me is when you admire something. "The kids in that family have really advanced in education. Gotta admire them, huh!"

Summary
In this conversation, I found out that the Rawang suffix -shì /-ʃì/ can indicate a sense of doing something alone, by oneself, and/or for oneself, such as eating food or listening to music. For the one doing the action, it indicates a feeling of enjoyment or contentedness. For the one observing and asking about the action, it indicates envy or admiration, mostly in a positive sense.

The sense of 'for oneself' or 'to oneself' is no surprise, but the individuative sense of 'alone, by oneself' had not been reported before in linguistic descriptions of Rawang (Barnard 1934; Morse 1965; Sarep 1996; LaPolla 1996, 2000; LaPolla & Yang 2004). 

Furthermore, the secondary or tertiary pragmatic connotations of enjoyment, envy, and admiration are things that would hardly ever work their way into a grammar or dictionary. They call to mind how Roman Jakobson (1960:353, 357) isolates six functions of language and correlates them with six factors involved in verbal communication:

1. emotive (expressing) functions focus on the addresser (speaker)
2. conative (vocative, imperative) functions focus on the addressee
3. referential functions focus on the context
4. poetic functions focus on the message
5. phatic functions focus on the contact
6. metalingual functions focus on the code

Normally, morpheme analysis focuses on the referential functions. However, in conversation, as Ráwàng Kurzi explains above, the emotive and phatic functions of expressing a feeling and maintaining a connection, are equally important.


References

Barnard, Joseph Terence Owen. 1934. A handbook of the Răwang dialect of the Nung language. Rangoon: Superintendent of Gov’t. Printing and Stationery.

Jakobson, Roman. 1960. Closing statement: Linguistics and poetics. In Thomas Sebeok (ed.), Style in Language, 350-359. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

LaPolla, Randy J. 1996. Middle voice marking in Tibeto-Burman languages. In Pan-Asiatic Linguistics: Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium on Languages and Linguistics, vol. 5, 1940–1954. Mahidol University, Thailand. 

LaPolla, Randy J. 2000. Valency-changing derivations in Dulong/Rawang. In R. M. W. Dixon & Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald (eds.), Changing Valency: Case Studies in Transitivity, 282–311. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

LaPolla, Randy J. & Yang Jiangling. 2004. Reflexive and middle marking in Dulong-Rawang. Himalayan Linguistics 2. 1–13.

Morse, Robert H. 1965. Syntactic frames for the Rvwàng (Rawang) verb. Lingua 15. 338–369. https://doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(65)90018-5.

Sarep, Hpung. 1996. A study of the morphology of verbs and nouns in the Sinwal dialect of the Rawang language. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 19(2). 93–184.

Saturday, November 27, 2021

Polysemy for heaven and god, with notes on d/g and t/k alternations

In his lecture on "Sino-Tibetan Languages: Introduction and Historical Perspective", given on 25 Oct 2020, Nathan Hill discusses the word for 'heaven' in the Bailang songs, which were composed in a Trans-Himalayan/Sino-Tibetan language in China around 58-75 CE.

At the 39-43 minute mark, he considers the question of whether Bailang is a Loloish language, as claimed by W. South Coblin and Christopher Beckwith. These two scholars had claimed this because of Bailang's relatively simple phonology and isolating nature. However, in a 2019 paper, Sagart et al. did a large-scale lexicostatistical analysis of Sino-Tibetan languages and put forth several innovations that Loloish, Burmish, and Qiangic/Rgyalrongic languages share, and the only one of these innovations evident in Bailang is *mus 'heaven'. However, Rawang and Tibetan also have this same root, but with slightly different semantic meanings: Tibetan dmu 'sky god' and Rawang dvmø̀ [dəmɯ̀] 'celestial spirit'. In the video, Hill concedes: 

Now one thing that's actually kind of interesting to me and that I'm not going to push here, but, you know, see what you think, is, maybe it's the meaning "heaven" specifically that's associated with Burmo-Qiangic, because you see that outside of Burmo-Qiangic, it means 'sky god'. So if that's true, then maybe it is evidence that Bailang is somehow Burmo-Qiangic, but it just seems like quite a small difference to put a lot of emphasis on.

He presents the same data in a published article (2021:127):

There are at least two ancient Trans-Himalayan languages of fragmentary attestation (Trümmersprachen) that fall within the scope of our survey. The older, and more fragmentary of the two is Bailang, known only from the three “Songs of Bailang” (白狼歌). These are poems transliterated with Chinese characters and translated into Chinese during the Han dynasty (specifically 58–75 CE). In 1979, making extensive use of previous research, W. S. Coblin (1979) published a study of these songs. The author of these lines revisited the songs in light of ensuing progress in Chinese reconstruction (Hill 2017) and referring to the intervening more small scale studies (Mǎ and Dài 1982; Zhèngzhāng 1993; Beckwith 2008). Whereas Coblin and Beckwith propose that the language is Loloish, I do not think that this conclusion is obvious. There are many etyma of obvious Trans-Himalayan provenance, but they are etyma also attested in other branches, e.  g. 蘇 *sa ‘meat’ (Tib. śa, Bur. sāḥ, Mizo. sâ ‘meat’), 螺 *ruai ‘rain’ (Bur. rwā, Mizo. rùah), 毗 *bi ‘give’ (OBur. piyḥ, Mizo pè). The only candidate lexical innovation that Sagart et al. (2019) say is indicative of Burmo-Qiangic that is found in the Bailang songs is 冒 *mus ‘heaven’, which compares with OBur. muiwḥ ‘sky’ and Japhug tɯ-mɯ ‘rain, sky, weather’, but this word occurs in other branches as well (Tib. dmu ‘sky god’, Rawang dvmø̀ ‘celestial spirit’).

Hill had analyzed the history of this Bailang word *mus earlier in an annotated transcription of the Bailang songs:

(2017:393)

冒 mˤus [Old Chinese] > mouᶜ [Han Chinese] > mɑwH [Middle Chinese] ... 天 ‘Heaven’

(2017:400)

冒 *mˤus [Old Chinese] > mouᶜ [Han Chinese] 天 ‘Heaven’. OTib. དམུ་ dmu ‘a type of sky god’ (cf. Coblin 1987), OBur. ... muiwḥ ‘sky’, Tan. 朿 mə < *mu (3513) ‘ciel’, Japhug Rgy. tɯ-mɯ ‘ciel, pluie’, Rawang Dvmø̀ ‘spirits of the upper realm’ (LaPolla & Poa 2001: 13). The comparanda suggest the Bailang vowel was closer to the OChi. reading than the Han reading. Ma & Dai (1982: 22) and Zhengzhang (1993: 14) also note the same Burmese cognate, the former also proposing related forms in other languages.

Now, let's go back and see what Sagart et al. (2019b:26) had to say about it.

The hypothesis of a genetic relationship between Lolo-Burmese and Gyalrongic languages has been previously discussed by several scholars, including Bradley (1997), Jacques and Michaud (2011), and Lǐ (1998). The Burmo-Gyalrongic hypothesis is strongly supported by our analysis. Potential Burmo-Gyalrongic innovations in our database are the following:

1. Japhug ɕɤɣ “new” – Old Burmese sac ‘new’ (Jacques (2004: 190)). This etymon has cognates elsewhere in Sino-Tibetan, but in other branches the coda is nasal (for instance Chinese 新 sin < *siŋ)

2. Japhug ɣɯrni “red” – Old Burmese nī ‘red’ (Jacques (ibid.: 172))

3. Japhug zdɯm “cloud” – Old Burmese tim “cloud” (Jacques (ibid.: 185))

4. Japhug ɯ-ʁɤri “the front side” – Old Burmese rheʔ ‘the front side’ (Jacques (ibid.: 104)).

5. Japhug tɯ-rtsʰɤz “lung” – Old Burmese ʔachut ‘lung’ (Jacques (ibid.: 150)).

6. Japhug tɯ-mɯ “rain, sky, weather” – Rangoon mo⁵⁵ ‘rain, sky’(Jacques (ibid.: 154))

7. Daofu sme “woman” – Old Burmese minḥ-ma ‘woman’

8. Daofu kvo, Wobzi Khroskyabs djú “year” – Lisu kho̱³¹ “year” (Jacques (2014: 101)).

9. Japhug nɯqambɯmbjom, Wobzi Khroskyabs jmbjə̂m “to fly” – Old Burmese pjaṃ ‘to fly’. This root is related to Tibetan’byam “spread” and Chinese 泛 phjomH “float”, with unidirectional semantic change “float” → “fly”. The Japhug verb form has reduplication and additional prefixes, but related language have the simple verb root.

Jacques (ibid.: 305-306) lists a additional few phonetic and lexical innovations, notably the verb ‘to be’, ŋu in Japhug, ŋǽ in Wobzi Khroskyabs, corresponding to Proto-Burmese *ŋwa¹ ‘to be the case’ (Bradley 1979 0698a). Jacques (2014: 305-306) suggests that the copular use of this verb is derived from an earlier meaning, namely ‘to be true’. 

So in the video linked above, Hill was saying that the only etymon being proposed by Sagart et al. as a common Lolo-Burmo-Gyalrongic or Burmo-Qiangic innovation which appears in the Bailang songs is the word for 'heaven' or 'sky', and that cognate forms also appear in other Trans-Himalayan languages such as Rawang and Tibetan, but with the meaning of 'sky god' rather than 'sky', and so the only common innovation, if it is an innovation, linking Bailang to Loloish as Coblin and Beckwith proposed is the meaning 'heaven' attached to *mus. 

But to disprove even this uniqueness, I want to offer further Rawang data on this root which also has the meaning of 'heaven' or 'sky': 

In several Rawang dialects such as Dərù, Jerwàng, and Rəmɯ̀l, there are two similar forms cognate with Mətwàng dəmɯ̀ 'god', which are distinguished by tone: gəmɯ̀ 'god' and gəmɯ́ 'heaven'. The form muʔ 'sky; thunder; the name of a Nat (deity-spirit)' also appears in both Mətwàng and other dialects.

As evidence for the usage of gəmɯ̀ 'god' and gəmɯ́ 'heaven', let's take a look at several lines from a Jerwàng (= Southern T'rùng) translation of the New Testament book of Mark, completed in the early 1990s. (I realize that conversion to Christianity, starting around 1917, becoming a mass movement around 1950, and continuing till today, has changed the Rawang languages spoken in Burma, especially as their traditional animist cosmology has interacted with the Jude-Christian and modernist worldviews. However, the data here at least provide a starting place.)

 Mark 1:10 

Wangk vdungkwaih kongkshøa luaidi, gvmøh takaq vpuqpuqdi Gvmøs Gvrai pais-a singcvnt vgømp taiwa Angk mvdvmp zvng laqshøa zaaq mai zvng Yohan angk mia meqhinhin yaangnge.

wàŋ ədùŋ-wáj kòŋ-ʃɯa-luaj-di, 
water inside-from rise-REFL-UP.PST-when
'When (he) rose up from inside the water,'

gəmɯ́ ta-kaʔ ə-puʔ-puʔ-di 
heaven each-half INTR-open-REDUP-when
'each half of heaven was opening and'

gəmɯ̀ gəraj pàj-a siŋ-tsə̀n əgɯ̀m taj-wa 
god god MALE-POSS spirit-DIMINUTIVE dove manner-ADV
'God's spirit like a dove'

àŋ mədə̀m zəŋ laʔ-ʃɯa-zaaʔ maj zəŋ 
3SG above ALLATIVE alight-REFL-DOWN CL.NMLZ ALLATIVE
'onto him alighting'

johan àŋ mia meʔhinhin jaaŋ-e.
John 3SG AGT immediately see.3OBJ-DECL
'John immediately saw.'

"And when he came up out of the water, immediately he saw the heavens being torn open and the Spirit [of God] descending on him like a dove."

 Mark 16:19 

Oya kont waih, Vkangk pais Yesu mia nø angning zvng ka lvp beeng bøi taih was nø, Angk zvng nø Gvmøh mvdvmp zvng lonh-wa vbonboon bøsdi, Gvmøs Gvrai-a vbrangk paq kais roongh bøie.

oja kòn wáj, 
that place from
'From that place'

əkàŋ pàj jesu mia nɯ aŋniŋ zəŋ 
lord MALE Jesus AGT 3PL ALLATIVE
'the Lord Jesus, to them'

ka ləp beeŋ-bɯj táj wà nɯ, 
speech speak finish.3OBJ-PFV.PST ?? TOP
'as he had finished speaking and'

àŋ zəŋ nɯ gəmɯ́ mədə̀m zəŋ lón-wa ə-bon-boon-bɯ̀-di, 
3SG ALLATIVE TOP heaven above ALLATIVE get-ADV INTR-go-REDUP-AWAY/PFV-when
'when he was taken away to upper heaven,'

gəmø̀ gəraj-a əbràŋ paʔ kàj róoŋ-bøj-e.
god god-POSS right side LOC sit-AWAY/PFV.PST-DECL
'sat at God's right side.'

"So then the Lord Jesus, after he had spoken to them, was taken up into heaven and sat down at the right hand of God." 

 Mark 12:17a

Oyapoq kais Yesu mia angning zvng grøøng mai nø, Kesvr-a møngk nø kesvr zvng, Gvmøs Gvrai-a møngk nø Gvmøs zvng natvngs pantna, grøøngnge.

...kesər-a mɯ̀ŋ nɯ kesər zəŋ, 
Caesar-POSS PL TOP Caesar ALLATIVE
'Caesar's things, to Caesar,'

gəmɯ̀ gəraj-a mɯ̀ŋ nɯ gəmɯ̀ zəŋ nə-ətə̀ŋ-pà-na...
god(name) god(name)-POSS PL TOP god ALLATIVE N1-return-BEN-2PL
'God's things, to God, you-all return for him.'

"Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's."

 Mark 12:26

...Ngas nø, Abraham Angknga Gvmøs pais shøs, Isak Angknga Gvmøs pais shøs, Ingnga mai eye...

...ŋà nɯ, abraham àŋ-a gəmɯ̀ pàj shɯ̀, 
1SG TOP Abraham(name) 3SG-POSS god MALE also
'I, Abraham his god also,'

isak àŋ-a gəmɯ̀ pàj shɯ̀, iŋŋa maj eje...
Isaac(name) 3SG-POSS god MALE also be.1SG NMLZ be.DECL
'Isaac his god also, I am, is the case.'

"I am the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob"

Mark 12:27

Gvmøs Gvrai nø, Shis-a bøi møngknga Gvmøs pais nø mv-e pos-ae. Plon shøa møngk angningnga Gvmøs Gvrai lvng epos-a mai eye...

gəmɯ̀ gəraj nɯ, ʃì-a-bɯj mɯ̀ŋ-a gəmɯ̀ pàj nɯ mə-e-pò-a-e. 
god(name) god(name) TOP die-?-PFV.PST PL-POSS god MALE TOP NEG-be-BEN-?-DECL
'God is not the dead people's god for them.'

plon-ʃɯa mɯ̀ŋ aŋniŋ-a gəmɯ̀ gəraj ləŋ e-pò-a maj eje...
live-REFL PL 3PL-POSS god(name) god(name) only be-BEN-? NMLZ be.DECL
'It is the case that he is only the living people's god.'

"He is not God of the dead, but of the living."

Let's now review the Jerwàng terms we have collected:

HEAVEN
  • gəmɯ́ 'heaven' (= Mətwàng muʔ-làŋ 'sky-area?')
  • gəmɯ́ mədə̀m (heaven above) 'upper heaven' or 'above heaven' (= Mətwàng muʔ-làng taʔ-lap 'sky-area upper-side')

GOD
  • gəmɯ̀ 'god' 
  • gəmɯ̀ pàj 'male god' (the male morpheme seems to show respect and specificity, like səra pàj 'male teacher' or səra màj 'female teacher'; it is also related to the phenomenon of placing a bare classifier after a noun for definiteness like 'the'.)
  • gəmɯ̀ gəraj 'creator god' (gəràj is a Jinghpaw loanword for the creator god)

Alternation of d and g in 'happy'
Why is there alternation between d and g in the word for 'god' in the two Rawang dialects? I don't know, but there is also a correspondence between the Mətwàng form dəbù 'be happy' and the Jerwàng and Dərù form gəbù 'be happy'. Jinghpaw also has the form kəbu ~ gəbu 'be happy', which led Waʔdə́mkong Yohan, a Rawang pastor in Kent, WA, to comment to me that Dərù is similar to Jinghpaw. 

Alternation of t and k in 'six'
A further example of alveolar and velar onset alternations is the number six: 

k: 
Anu/Lu: Gongshan Anu krou (Desgodins 1873), klu⁵⁵ (Luo Changpei 1999[1944]:85), 
khɹŭʔ⁵⁵ (Sun Hongkai 1982); Loutse/Melam (autonym)/Ngia (exonym) (at Tsekou = Cigu) kron [probably mistranscribed from krou] (d'Orleans 1898); Loutse (at Tamalou) keou (d'Orleans 1898); 
T'rung: Kioutse (at Tukiu Mu) keou (d'Orleans 1898); T'rung kʻlu⁵⁵ (Luo Changpei 1999[1942]:44); Central T'rung kruʔ⁵⁵ (T'rung Dictionary), kɹŭʔ⁵⁵ (Sun Hongkai 1982); Southern T'rung kɹuʔ⁵⁵ (Huang & Dai 1992); 
Anung: Fugong Anung kuŋ⁵⁵ (Sun & Liu 2009); Putao Anung ɑkok (Anung Bible); 
Dərù kruʔ (Konglang Zineng); 
Məpáng Tangsar: kruʔ (Məpáng Du); 

t: 
Waʔdə́mkong: thruʔ²² (Shintani 2014:184), tɑruʔ (Sarep 1996), htăru (Barnard 1934:103), tᵃru(k) (Grierson 1928); 
Rəmɯ̀l: təruʔ; 
Dinglak Lungmi: tʰəlɔk (Powelson 2018:124); 
Rə́zà Krəngkú: təruʔ (Samuel Mani); 
Kiutse/Metouan (autonym, = Mətwàng?)/Khanung (exonym) (at Sing-leng): terou (d'Orleans 1898)

tʃ: 
Mətwàng: (ə)tʃuʔ (Rawang Dictionary)

In the case of 'six', there is a relatively even split among dialects between k- and t-, with a few more data-points for k-. However, the k- initial can't be a result of Jinghpaw influence, because we have Dinglak and Rə́zà Krəngkú both with t-, although they were spoken in a Jinghpaw area and Dinglak is said to be heavily influenced by Jinghpaw. Modern Mətwàng (ə)tʃuʔ is either influenced by or borrowed from Burmese ခြောက် ʧʰaʊʔ (Hill 2019:61 reconstructs this as Written Burmese khrok < *kruk 'six').or was originally kruʔ in its own right, because in cases where Dərù has gr or gl, Mətwàng has dʒ, and if the Mətwàng form for 'six' were originally t(ə)ruʔ, there would be no need to reduce t(ə)r- to tʃ-, as in my experience in Nungish, tr- is always sesquisyllabified to tər-, which fits Mətwang phonology, whereas kl- or kr- would have to be either sesquisyllabified as kəl- or kər-, or changed to tʃ- in Mətwàng.

Alternation of t and k in 'rotate, turn' via 'bicycle'
For 'bicycle', I elicited the Rəmɯ̀l word hí-kərí (foot-turn) from Tʃɯmgòŋgàŋ Tʃaŋ, but from əBɯr Yosep, another Rəmɯ̀l speaker, I got several different forms in succession for 'bicycle' while he was narrating a Pear story: ləgoŋlíng (from Jinghpaw ləgɔ-léŋ (foot-wheel/vehicle),  hí-təri, and then he corrected himself and used ləgoŋlíŋ, followed by ləgolíŋ further on in the story. Note further, though, the Jinghpaw words kəyin 'rotate' (= Rawang təri), gəlé 'turn over, turn inside out', kəlé 'turn', pəlé 'turn over'. When I look in the Jinghpaw dictionary, I see hardly any words starting with tə-, but a number of words starting with kə-. Hence, if it is a case of dissimilation from t-r/l to k-r/l in Rawang, then it might be a case of some Nungish speakers and dialects following the same dissimilative pattern as Jinghpaw. (The prefixes tə-/də-/sə-/ʃə- are common causative prefixes in Nungish.)

All this is to say that t and k in the prefix position are in variation in certain words and in certain dialects and among certain speakers. I wonder if it might be a case of assimilation (kr > tr) or dissimilation (tr > kr). Or it could reflect borrowing from Jinghpaw, like dəbù > gəbù 'happy'. In the latter case, Matisoff might say that there was t/k variation already in Proto-Tibeto-Burman, which expressed itself differently in different daughter languages and then the borrowing and analogy led to contemporary variation within single languages.

Divine names in Mətwàng
Moving back to the original topic, here are some more names for God from the (Mətwàng) Rawang Dictionary, with my annotations in brackets:

  • Mø̀ [mɯ̀] ~ vMø [əmɯ] 'deity, god'
  • Mø̀mè [mɯ̀mè] (lit. mɯ-mè god-female) proper noun: goddess, another name for Dvmø̀. Mv[ng]rùng language (ritual song vocabulary)
  • Gvmø̀ [gəmɯ̀] ~ Gvmǿ [gəmɯ́] proper noun: Gameu; the highest God. Gvmø̀ kaq noq-ì [gəmɯ̀ kaʔ noʔ-ì] (god OBJ worship-1PL). 'Let's worship God.' = Dvmø̀. 
  • Dvmø̀ [dəmɯ̀] proper noun: Dameu; celestial being, the creator and highest god. Dvmø̀ toq-shì-e [dəmɯ̀ toʔ-ʃì-e] (god communicate-REFLEXIVE-NPAST) 'Communicate with God.'
  • Gvrày [gəràj] 'God'
  • Gvsv̀ng [gəsə̀ŋ] 'the creator and highest god'
  • Gvrày Gvsv̀ng [gəràj gəsə̀ŋ] 'God'
(The divine name kərài kəsàŋ is also found in Jinghpaw, and it is likely that Rawang borrowed it from Jinghpaw, which explains why the Rawang spelling gvrày preserves the -ay rhyme even though Mətwàng likes to reduce -ay to -e.)

Note that dəmɯ̀ can also be used for other gods besides the highest god, as seen in the following verse from the Rawang Bible:

Ruth 1:15
...Eyà:ngò nvnvmmè nø ang dvcì rì nvng ang dvmø̀ rì yv́ng svng vtv́ngá:mì...

è-jàŋ-ò[,] nə-nəm-mè nɯ 
N1-see-3OBJ 2SG.POSS-sibling-FEMALE TOP 
'(You) see, your sister (or parallel cousin),'

àŋ dətsì rì nə̀ŋ àŋ dəmɯ̀ rì jə́ŋ sə̀ŋ ətə́ŋ-ám-ì
3SG.POSS race PL and 3SG.POSS god PL LOC ALLATIVE return-AWAY/PFV-3PST
'has returned to where those of her race, and her gods, are'

"See, your sister-in-law has gone back to her people and to her gods..."

Conclusion
Together, this shows that there are several forms of the 'heaven/god' root in Nungish:
  • mɯ̀ 'god' (Mətwàng)
  • dəmɯ̀ 'god' (Mətwàng)
  • gəmɯ̀ 'god' (Jerwàng)
  • gəmɯ́ 'heaven' (Jerwàng)
Additionally, it is possible that in the distant past, there was a connection between the above forms and muʔ 'sky; thunder; the name of a Nat (deity-spirit)'.

All this shows that Rawang still maintains the semantic link between 'heaven' and 'god' in the same or similar forms, bridging the gap between Bailang *m(ˤ)us 'heaven', Japhug tɯ-mɯ 'rain, sky, weather' and Burmese mo⁵⁵ < Old Burmese muiwḥ 'rain, sky' on the one hand, and Tibetan dmu 'sky god' on the other hand.

Does this mean that Rawang is close to Burmo-Gyalrongic? Yes. Just how close remains to be seen, but at least we can conclude that it helps to look at multiple dialects and textual and usage examples in our etymological comparisons, and not just rely on the minimal glosses we find in wordlists and dictionaries.

References

Barnard, Joseph Terence Owen. 1934. A handbook of the Răwang dialect of the Nung language. Rangoon: Superintendent of Gov’t. Printing and Stationery.

Beckwith, Christopher I. 2008. The Pai-lang songs: The earliest texts in a Tibeto-Burman language and their Late Old Chinese transcriptions. In Christopher Beckwith (ed.), Medieval Tibeto-Burman Languages III, 87–110. Halle: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies.

Bradley, David 1979. Proto-Loloish. London: Curzon Press.

Bradley, David. 1997. Tibeto-Burman languages and classification. In David Bradley (ed.), Papers in Southeast Asian Linguistics. Vol. 14, 1–72. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.

Coblin, W. South. 1979. A new study of the Pai-lang songs. Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies 12, 179–216.

Coblin, W. South. 1987. A note on Old Tibetan Mu. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 10.1, 166–168.

Desgodins, Auguste. 1873. Mots principaux des langues de certaines tribus qui habitent les bords du Lan-tsang-kiang, du Loutzekiang et Irrawaddy. Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (6ème série, t. V) 144–150.

Grierson, George Abraham (ed.). 1928. Linguistic survey of India. Vol. 1 (Part 2): Comparative vocabulary of Indian languages. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent, Government Printing, India. http://dsal.uchicago.edu/books/lsi/ (15 August, 2015).

Hill, Nathan W. 2017. Songs of the Bailang: A new transcription with etymological commentary. Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient 103. 386–430.

Hill, Nathan W. 2019. The historical phonology of Tibetan, Burmese, and Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Hill, Nathan W. 2021. Scholarship on Trans-Himalayan (Tibeto-Burman) languages of South East Asia. In Paul Sidwell & Mathias Jenny (eds.), The languages and linguistics of mainland Southeast Asia: a comprehensive guide (The World of Linguistics 8), 111-138. Boston: De Gruyter.

Huang Bufan 黃布凡 & Dai Qingxia 戴庆厦 (eds.). 1992. Zangmian yuzu yuyan cihui 藏緬語族語言詞匯 [A Tibeto-Burman Lexicon]. Beijing 北京: Zhongyang Minzu Xueyuan Chubanshe 中央民族学院出版社 [Minzu University of China Press].

Jacques, Guillaume. 2004. Phonologie et morphologie du japhug (Rgyalrong). PhD thesis. Université Paris VII - Denis Diderot.

Jacques, Guillaume. 2014. Esquisse de phonologie et de morphologie historique du tangoute. Leiden: Brill, 373.

Jacques, Guillaume & Alexis Michaud. 2011. Approaching the historical phonology of three highly eroded Sino-Tibetan languages: Naxi, Na and Laze. Diachronica 28(4). 468–498.

LaPolla, Randy J. & Dory Poa. 2001. Rawang texts, with grammatical analysis and English translation. Berlin: LINCOM EUROPA.

Lǐ, Yǒngsuì. 1998. Qiāngmiǎn yǔqún chúyì. Mízúyǔwén 1, 1628.

Luo Changpei 罗常培. 1999[1942]. Gongshan Qiuyu chutan 贡山俅语初探 [A preliminary investigation of the Qiu language of Gongshan]. In Luo Changpei Wenji Bianweihui 罗常培文集编委会 (ed.), Luo Changpei wenji (di si juan) 罗常培文集(第4卷) [The collected linguistic works of Luo Changpei, vol. 4], 1–75. Jinan 济南: Shandong Jiaoyu Chubanshe 山东教育出版社 [Shandong Education Press]. (First published as Luo Changpei 罗常培. 1942. Gongshan Qiuyu chutan 贡山俅语初探 [A preliminary report of the Trung language of Kung-shan] (Guoli Beijing Daxue Yanjiuyuan Wenke Yanjiusuo Youyin Lunwen 国立北京大学研究院文科研究所油印论文 [National University of Peking Contributions, The Graduate School of College of Letters] 3). Kunming: Guoli Beijing Daxue 国立北京大学 [National University of Peking].)

Luo Changpei 罗常培. 1999[1944]. Gongshan Nuyu chutan 贡山怒语初探 [A preliminary investigation of the Gongshan Nu language]. In Luo Changpei Wenji Bianweihui 罗常培文集编委会 (ed.), Luo Changpei wenji (di si juan) 罗常培文集(第4卷) [The collected linguistic works of Luo Changpei, vol. 4], 77–104. Jinan 济南: Shandong Jiaoyu Chubanshe 山东教育出版社 [Shandong Education Press]. (Originally published in abbreviated form as Luo Changpei 罗常培. 1944. Gongshan Nuyu chutan xulun 贡山怒语初探叙论 [An introductory exploration of the Gongshan Nu language]. Bianzheng Gonglun 边政公论 [Frontier Politics] 3(12). 24–26.)

Mǎ Xuéliáng & Dài Qìngxià. 1982. ‘Báilánggē’ Yánjiū. 民族語文 Minzu yuwen [Nationality
languages] 5. 16–26.

Orléans, Henri Philippe Marie, prince d’. 1898. From Tonkin to India by the sources of the Irawadi, January ’95-January ’96. London: Methuen. http://seasiavisions.library.cornell.edu/catalog/sea:054 (17 July, 2015).

Powelson, Rachel Ellen. 2018. The verb phrase in Lungmi Rawang. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Payap University MA thesis in Linguistics.

Sagart, Laurent, Guillaume Jacques, Yunfan Lai, Robin J. Ryder, Valentin Thouzeau, Simon J. Greenhill & Johann-Mattis List. 2019a. Dated language phylogenies shed light on the ancestry of Sino-Tibetan. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116(21). 10317–10322. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1817972116.

Sagart, Laurent, Guillaume Jacques, Yunfan Lai, Robin J. Ryder, Valentin Thouzeau, Simon J. Greenhill & Johann-Mattis List. 2019b. Supplementary information for the paper “Dated language phylogenies shed light on the ancestry of Sino-Tibetan.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116(21). 10317–10322. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1817972116.

Sarep, Hpung. 1996. A study of the morphology of verbs and nouns in the Sinwal dialect of the Rawang language. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 19(2). 93–184.

Shintani, Tadahiko L. A. 2014. The Wadamkhong language (Linguistic Survey of Tay Cultural Area 103). Tokyo: Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa.

Sun Hongkai 孙宏开. 1982. Dulongyu jianzhi 独龙语简志 [A sketch of the Dulong language] (Guojia minwei minzu wenti wuzhong congshu: Zhongguo shaoshu minzu yuyan jianzhi congshu 国家民委民族问题五种丛书:中国少数民族语言简志丛书 [Five types of national ethnic problems series: Sketches of China’s minority languages]). Beijing 北京: Minzu Chubanshe 民族出版社 [Ethnic Publishing House].

Sun Hongkai 孙宏开 & Liu Guangkun 刘光坤. 2009. A grammar of Anong: Language death under intense contact (Languages of the Greater Himalayan Region 9). (Ed.) Li Fengxiang, Ela Thurgood & Graham Thurgood. Leiden & Boston: BRILL.

Zhèngzhāng, Shàngfāng. 1993. Shànggǔ miǎngē ‘Báilánggē’ de quánwén jiědú. 民族语文 Minzu
yuwen [Nationality languages] 1/2. 10–21 and 64–70.

Language resources

Anung Bible:
Geumeu heungshangc shiuva khaziut se bok [The New Testament in Anung language]. 1990.

Jinghpaw Dictionary:
Maran, La Raw, Richard Barrett, John Clifton, Zau Lahpai & Ja Gune Maran. 1978. The Jinghpaw dictionary / A dictionary of Modern Jinghpaw / A dictionary of Modern Spoken Jinghpaw. Bloomington, IN: The Jinghpaw Dictionary Project. (Manuscript.)

Kachin Dictionary (multilingual dictionary app and webpage):
https://rawang.org/raw/ka%CC%80-paqzi%CC%81linguistics/kachin-dictionary

Rawang Dictionary:
LaPolla, Randy J. & David Sangdong. 2015. Rawang-English-Burmese dictionary (A Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Myanmar). Privately published for limited circulation. http://rawang.webonary.org/ (23 December, 2015).

T'rung Dictionary:
Trung Dictionary Committee, Li Aixin 李爱新, Li Jinming 李金明, Yang Jiangling 杨将领 & Ross Perlin. 2015. Concise Trung-English-Chinese dictionary / Tvrung kvt cv’tyeng / 简明独龙语英语汉语词典 Jianming Dulongyu Yingyu Hanyu cidian. Draft. Trung Dictionary Committee. http://trung.webonary.org (18 June, 2016).

Loanwords for 'write' in Nungish

In this squib, I want to present some data on the words for 'write' in various Nungish languages.

Mətwàng: əru-e (Kachin dictionary app)

Dərù: ga (KL Zineng)

     < Jinghpaw: ka (Kachin dictionary app)

Central T'rùng: brì (vt.); əbrí (vi.) (T'rùng dictionary)

    < Written Tibetan: 'bri (Marrison 1967 Naga, cited in STEDT)

Central T'rùng: bɔ̀ (T'rùng dictionary)

     < Northern Lisu: bɔ³³ (Bradley 1994)

Conclusion: When the surrounding majority culture invents writing first, your language is susceptible to borrowing their word for writing. When we consider the fact that Mətwàng is the variety that does not use a loanword for this word (although the younger generation sometimes uses the Jinghpaw form), this helps explain why Mətwàng was chosen as the standard Rawang variety in the 1950s.

Calvin's prayers before and after sermons

The prayer which Master John Calvin made ordinarily before the beginning of his sermons. Let us call upon our good God and Father, praying h...